Wednesday, February 08, 2006

"Ignorance is Strength"

Or so some believe ...

To say I was never a fan of Michel Aoun, is to put it lightly. Over the years, watching him on televised interviews live from Paris could only bring the image of personified insanity to my mind.

That hasn't exactly changed. But to single out Aoun as irresponsible and as a bad politician is not something I fully understand. If it was up to me - and unfortunately (or maybe some think it is fortunate) it isn't - then I would have accused several of them of crimes against humanity.

That said, I find it hypocritical that there are Lebanese, some of whom are extremely educated (which makes it even more a shame), who accuse Aoun's followers and supporters of being blind and of acting like sheep, when they have pledged themselves to constantly exonerate various members of the so-called March 14 gathering like there is no tomorrow. Aoun commits alot of errors, but every now and then something good slips by. Likewise, the March 14 gathering may let something good slip by every now and then, but also commits alot of errors.

Yes, the March 14 gathering was responsible for March 14. That day will go down in history. Their involvement in that movement will also go down in history. But analyzing their current stances - or lack of stances - through that day's colored lenses is equivalent to blind and shameful tribal flag-waving - an act which had previously destroyed Lebanon.

It is time to demand more from those in power. And though they may have had Lebanon's best interest at heart during the initial stages, their latest actions speak volumes and cannot just be ignored. Political analysis is not based on absolute theoretical axioms (if only it were!), and thus, one's opinions of the different groups must change as more information is present. This does not mean that opinions have to radically vary from day to day, but for sure they cannot be stagnant over an entire year.

Sadly - sadly for Lebanon, that is - more and more individuals are ignoring this and have begun, if they haven't already, to choose their savior, and their enemy. By taking this position, it becomes much easier to place blame, since the other is always wrong (after all, "Hell is other people") - for example, the March 14 sheep (and yes, they are sheep) will blame the Aoun sheep, and vice versa, without any introversion taking place.

If only those who had studied George Orwell in their high schools had kept 1984 in mind. It seems Orwell was much more in tune with the social realities than I ever thought, as he has portrayed this constant blind attachment and perpetual faith in certain politicians, and the associated hate, in the figure that is Goldstein - the enemy the regime in 1984 loved to hate. And so he wrote


The next moment a hideous, grinding speech, as of some monstrous machine running without oil, burst from the big telescreen at the end of the room. It was a noise that set one's teeth on edge and bristled the hair at the back of one's neck. The Hate had started.

As usual, the face of Emmanuel Goldstein, the Enemy of the People, had flashed on to the screen. There were hisses here and there among the audience. The little sandy-haired woman gave a squeak of mingled fear and disgust. Goldstein was the renegade and backslider who once, long ago (how long ago, nobody quite remembered), had been one of the leading figures of the Party, almost on a level with Big Brother himself, and then had engaged in counter-revolutionary activities, had been condemned to death, and had mysteriously escaped and disappeared. The programmes of the Two Minutes Hate varied from day to day, but there was none in which Goldstein was not the principal figure. He was the primal traitor, the earliest defiler of the Party's purity. All subsequent crimes against the Party, all treacheries, acts of sabotage, heresies, deviations, sprang directly out of his teaching. Somewhere or other he was still alive and hatching his conspiracies: perhaps somewhere beyond the sea, under the protection of his foreign paymasters, perhaps even -- so it was occasionally rumoured -- in some hiding-place in Oceania itself.

Winston's diaphragm was constricted. He could never see the face of Goldstein without a painful mixture of emotions. It was a lean Jewish face, with a great fuzzy aureole of white hair and a small goatee beard -- a clever face, and yet somehow inherently despicable, with a kind of senile silliness in the long thin nose, near the end of which a pair of spectacles was perched. It resembled the face of a sheep, and the voice, too, had a sheep-like quality. Goldstein was delivering his usual venomous attack upon the doctrines of the Party -- an attack so exaggerated and perverse that a child should have been able to see through it, and yet just plausible enough to fill one with an alarmed feeling that other people, less level-headed than oneself, might be taken in by it. He was abusing Big Brother, he was denouncing the dictatorship of the Party, he was demanding the immediate conclusion of peace with Eurasia, he was advocating freedom of speech, freedom of the Press, freedom of assembly, freedom of thought, he was crying hysterically that the revolution had been betrayed -- and all this in rapid polysyllabic speech which was a sort of parody of the habitual style of the orators of the Party, and even contained Newspeak words: more Newspeak words, indeed, than any Party member would normally use in real life. And all the while, lest one should be in any doubt as to the reality which Goldstein's specious claptrap covered, behind his head on the telescreen there marched the endless columns of the Eurasian army -- row after row of solid-looking men with expressionless Asiatic faces, who swam up to the surface of the screen and vanished, to be replaced by others exactly similar. The dull rhythmic tramp of the soldiers' boots formed the background to Goldstein's bleating voice.

Before the Hate had proceeded for thirty seconds, uncontrollable exclamations of rage were breaking out from half the people in the room. The self-satisfied sheep-like face on the screen, and the terrifying power of the Eurasian army behind it, were too much to be borne: besides, the sight or even the thought of Goldstein produced fear and anger automatically. He was an object of hatred more constant than either Eurasia or Eastasia, since when Oceania was at war with one of these Powers it was generally at peace with the other. But what was strange was that although Goldstein was hated and despised by everybody, although every day and a thousand times a day, on platforms, on the telescreen, in newspapers, in books, his theories were refuted, smashed, ridiculed, held up to the general gaze for the pitiful rubbish that they were in spite of all this, his influence never seemed to grow less. Always there were fresh dupes waiting to be seduced by him. A day never passed when spies and saboteurs acting under his directions were not unmasked by the Thought Police. He was the commander of a vast shadowy army, an underground network of conspirators dedicated to the overthrow of the State. The Brotherhood, its name was supposed to be. There were also whispered stories of a terrible book, a compendium of all the heresies, of which Goldstein was the author and which circulated clandestinely here and there. It was a book without a title. People referred to it, if at all, simply as the book. But one knew of such things only through vague rumours. Neither the Brotherhood nor the book was a subject that any ordinary Party member would mention if there was a way of avoiding it.

In its second minute the Hate rose to a frenzy. People were leaping up and down in their places and shouting at the tops of their voices in an effort to drown the maddening bleating voice that came from the screen. The little sandy-haired woman had turned bright pink, and her mouth was opening and shutting like that of a landed fish. Even O'Brien's heavy face was flushed. He was sitting very straight in his chair, his powerful chest swelling and quivering as though he were standing up to the assault of a wave. The dark-haired girl behind Winston had begun crying out 'Swine! Swine! Swine!' and suddenly she picked up a heavy Newspeak dictionary and flung it at the screen. It struck Goldstein's nose and bounced off; the voice continued inexorably. In a lucid moment Winston found that he was shouting with the others and kicking his heel violently against the rung of his chair. The horrible thing about the Two Minutes Hate was not that one was obliged to act a part, but, on the contrary, that it was impossible to avoid joining in. Within thirty seconds any pretence was always unnecessary. A hideous ecstasy of fear and vindictiveness, a desire to kill, to torture, to smash faces in with a sledge-hammer, seemed to flow through the whole group of people like an electric current, turning one even against one's will into a grimacing, screaming lunatic. And yet the rage that one felt was an abstract, undirected emotion which could be switched from one object to another like the flame of a blowlamp. Thus, at one moment Winston's hatred was not turned against Goldstein at all, but, on the contrary, against Big Brother, the Party, and the Thought Police; and at such moments his heart went out to the lonely, derided heretic on the screen, sole guardian of truth and sanity in a world of lies. And yet the very next instant he was at one with the people about him, and all that was said of Goldstein seemed to him to be true. At those moments his secret loathing of Big Brother changed into adoration, and Big Brother seemed to tower up, an invincible, fearless protector, standing like a rock against the hordes of Asia, and Goldstein, in spite of his isolation, his helplessness, and the doubt that hung about his very existence, seemed like some sinister enchanter, capable by the mere power of his voice of wrecking the structure of civilization.

...

The Hate rose to its climax. The voice of Goldstein had become an actual sheep's bleat, and for an instant the face changed into that of a sheep. Then the sheep-face melted into the figure of a Eurasian soldier who seemed to be advancing, huge and terrible, his sub-machine gun roaring, and seeming to spring out of the surface of the screen, so that some of the people in the front row actually flinched backwards in their seats. But in the same moment, drawing a deep sigh of relief from everybody, the hostile figure melted into the face of Big Brother, black-haired, black-moustachio'd, full of power and mysterious calm, and so vast that it almost filled up the screen. Nobody heard what Big Brother was saying. It was merely a few words of encouragement, the sort of words that are uttered in the din of battle, not distinguishable individually but restoring confidence by the fact of being spoken. Then the face of Big Brother faded away again, and instead the three slogans of the Party stood out in bold capitals:

WAR IS PEACE

FREEDOM IS SLAVERY

IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH

4 Comments:

  • Laz,
    There isn't much to add to your post especially with that nice quote from one of my heros. Orwell still "matters" in the words of Hitchins and I believe that next to Conrad he had to be one of the most important post-colonial writers.

    I am sure that very few, if any, might have noticed how I often get Orwell into my posts. He is relevant to the world as a whole but the Middle East and Lebanon in particularbecause he had the courage to shout that the emperor had no clothes. Orwell opposed totalitarianism wherever and whenevr it showed its ugly head. Yet he was not an apologist for the imperial powers at the time. He once said that to take the position that "My Country right or wrong" is on the same level as "My Mother Drunk or Sbber". Each of the Lebanese political groups( many should never be called parties) has a lot to learn from reading Orwell and in particular his admonition that some parties (all the Lebanese ones) seek power for its own sake , as an end and not as a mean for achieving a higher goal.

    By Anonymous Anonymous, at 7:24 PM  

  • I just finished writing a list of some of the reasons we blew it in the past year. I tried to blame habits and concepts rather than people.

    As for the sheep, I prefer aldous huxley's class rating system, The "sheep" would be the Epsilon-Minus Semi-Morons.

    By Blogger Jamal, at 6:30 AM  

  • Lazarus, self-criticism is not common in our area, so we shouldn't expect to see any. And I don't believe people are sheep, they are just running out of ideas and they are insecure. There is not a non-emotional debate on the future of the country out there. As for reading material I would also suggest Elias Canetti: Crowds and Power.

    By Blogger Ms Levantine, at 8:48 AM  

  • ghassan - the position "my country right or wrong" reminds me of childhood follies when we used to defend friends in fights when he was clearly wrong :)

    ms.L - i've just checked out the book - i've read some of his essays, but not this. currently i'm looking into muzafer sherif. quite an interesting read, and perspective.

    By Blogger Lazarus, at 12:43 PM  

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